U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis is set to visit Ankara, Turkey in the coming days as part of a tour of the region. Mattis’ visit comes as bilateral relations between the two NATO allies are strained over Washington’s support of Syrian Kurds, whom Ankara considers terrorists.

“Turkish relations are as bad as they can get,” said former senior Turkish diplomat Aydin Selcen, who served in Iraq and Washington. “But the fact Turkey’s position on the world map is extremely important, one can look on the map and see without Turkey it will be difficult for the U.S., if not impossible, getting rid of ISIL from Iraq and Syria,” said Selcen, using an acronym for Islamic State.

Analysts suggest Mattis’ first task is in seeking to prevent a further deterioration in relations; but, video this month of convoys of U.S. arms being delivered to the Syrian Kurdish YPG militia enraged Ankara.

The YPG is engaged in fighting as part of a coalition known as the Syrian Democratic Forces, or SDF, which seeks to oust Islamic State militants, Raqqa, Syria, IS’ self-declared capital. Ankara accuses the YPG of being terrorists linked to the PKK, which is fighting the Turkish state.

“The PKK is a Marxist-Leninist organization supported by the United States. Look at this irony and they are trained in American camps,” said Turkish presidential spokesman Ibrahim Kalin. The U.S. considers the PKK a terrorist organization.

“The [Turkish] regime will never accept the explanations of Washington regarding the military support to the YPG,” said political scientist Cengiz Aktar; but, experts suggest that there is a realization in Ankara that Washington will not reverse its policy given its success, with around half of Raqqa already captured by the YPG.

What happens after Raqqa’s fall is predicted to be a key part of Mattis’ talks in Ankara.

“One of [Ankara’s] priorities will be to stop the arms going to the YPG ending up in the hands of the PKK,” said Unal Cevikoz, former Turkish ambassador and now head of the Ankara Policy Center. “The second issue with end game approaching in Raqqa, when IS is eradicated from Raqqa, Turkey will probably ask for the post-Raqqa administration be given to the Sunni Arabs rather than YPG.”

Ankara accuses the forces engaged in capturing Raqqa as predominantly Kurdish and unrepresentative of the local population.

“The Turkish regime wants to destroy the de facto federated government of the Syrian Kurdish in the north of Syria. This is a long-term strategy of Ankara,” said political scientist Aktar.

Turkish military forces are already massed around the Syrian enclave of Afrin, which is under YPG control. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has repeatedly warned of an imminent operation against Afrin.

“The U.S. does not want Turkey to intervene because it fears it will interfere with the operation in Raqqa,” said former ambassador Cevikoz. “The issue will likely be discussed during Mattis’ visit, but I think there will be no agreement with both sides agreeing to disagree. But Turkey is trying to coordinate the possibility of an operation in and around Afrin and also Idlib, with Iranian and Russians, so it’s not just a U.S.-Turkish issue.”

Ankara is already coordinating with Tehran and Moscow as part of the Astana agreement process to resolve the Syrian civil war. Idlib is one of the last remaining regions under Syrian rebel control.

The future of Idlib is also a potentially contentious issue during Mattis’ visit.

“The American concerns are very serious that Idlib is hosting a lot of jihadists. What is much more important is there are some 10,000 al-Qaida members in Idlib, but I think Russia and Turkey will ask the Americans to leave Idlib to their control,” said Cevikoz.

Ankara’s growing cooperation with Moscow and Tehran at a time of strained relations with its Western allies has led to growing questions over where its loyalties ultimately lie; but, an independence referendum next month by Iraqi Kurds will offer Mattis some common ground with Washington and Ankara, both having voiced opposition to the vote.

 
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A suspect arrested in connection with last week’s deadly van attack in Barcelona told Spain’s high court Tuesday that the group had been planning a much larger attack using explosives, judicial sources said.

Mohamed Houli Chemlal, who was arrested after being hurt in a blast southwest of Barcelona a day before the van attack, was the first of four suspects to testify Tuesday, a day after police shot dead the man they say was the van’s driver.

Authorities say a 12-man terror cell was behind the attack, and that eight of the suspects have either been killed by police or died in an accidental explosion at their bomb-making facility on the day before the attack.

The massive manhunt for the last outstanding suspect, Younes Abouyaaqoub, ended Monday in a rural area known for its vineyards about 45 kilometers west of Barcelona.  Authorities say they shot the fugitive after he held up what appeared to be a bomb belt, which they later discovered was fake.

“We confirm that the man shot dead in #subirats is Younes Abouyaaqoub, author of the terrorist attack in #barcelona,” police tweeted on Monday.

​Van driver chase

Catalan Interior Minister Joaquim Forn told Catalunya radio that “everything indicates” Younes Abouyaaqoub was behind the wheel of the van during Thursday’s Barcelona attack that killed 15 people.

Police say a bomb disposal robot was dispatched to approach the man’s body after the shooting to check the apparent suicide belt.

They said officers were alerted to the fugitive by a caller who reported a suspicious person near the local train station and then by another witness who said she was sure she saw Abouyaaqoub in the small town of Subirats fleeing through the vineyards. Authorities later found the man hiding in the vineyards and asked for his identification, leading to the shoot-out.

Islamist connections

Many of the suspects had connections to the northeastern town of Ripoll, one of the places where police have focused their investigation.

Authorities say Abouyaaqoub, who was born in Morocco and has Spanish residency, also is suspected of carjacking a man and stabbing him to death as he made his getaway from the Barcelona attack.

Islamic State claimed responsibility for the Barcelona attack along with another vehicle attack on Friday in which a car crashed into people in the resort town of Cambrils, Spain, and the attackers then got out and tried to stab people.  One person was killed and several people were wounded.   Authorities believe both attacks were carried out by the same terrorist cell.

Authorities believe an imam named Abdelbaki Es Satty may have radicalized some of those who carried out the attack in Barcelona and the later attack in Cambrils.  The imam was among those killed in the explosion at the bomb-making facility.

Arrests may have prevented more attacks

Deakin University professor of global Islamic politics Greg Barton told VOA Spain’s previous arrests of terrorism suspects could explain why it has not dealt with the same number of attacks as other countries in Europe, such as France and Belgium in recent years.

“Spain is not immune from these problems, particularly Catalonia, where there are links with northern Morocco,” Barton said.  “But Spain up until now has been able to keep on top of the problem, whereas France and Belgium have been struggling.”

Barton also said there does not seem to be any particular link between the influx of migrants to Europe and these attacks.

“The individuals being recruited have largely grown up in the countries where they’re recruited and they launch attacks in neighborhoods familiar to them,” he said.
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An earthquake of magnitude 4.0 hit the tourist-packed Italian island of Ischia, off the coast of Naples, on Monday night, killing at least one person and injuring some 25 others as buildings collapsed, officials said.

Residents and tourists on the island ran out onto the streets from homes and hotels.

Television images showed that about six buildings in the town of Casamicciola as well as a church collapsed in the quake, which hit at 8:57 p.m. (1857 GMT).

Italy’s National Institute of Geophysics and Vulcanology (INGV) put the magnitude at 4.0, but both the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) and the European quake agency, EMSC, estimated the magnitude at 4.3.

Local Civil Protection Department official Giovanni Vittozzi said one woman was killed when she was hit by falling masonry from a church, and officials were checking reports of another victim.

Helicopters and a ferry boat were bringing in more rescue workers from the mainland.

Roberto Allocca, a doctor from a local hospital, told Sky TG24 television that about 25 people had been treated for minor injuries. Most of the hospital had been evacuated and the injured were treated outside.

Some civil protection squads were already on the island because of brushfires.

The television reports said the buildings that collapsed appeared to have been inhabited and about 10 people were still unaccounted for.

The quake hit a few days before the first anniversary of a major quake that killed nearly 300 people in central Italy, most of them in the town of Amatrice.
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Russia’s armed forces chief staff, General Valery Gerasimov, is due to visit Turkey this week in the latest step in bilateral regional coordination efforts on Syria. Ahead of Gerasimov’s visit, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusolgu took a swipe at NATO ally the United States, saying Russia better understood Turkey’s concerns about the Syrian Kurdish rebel militia, the YPG.

Washington’s strong backing of the YPG in its fight against Islamic State in Syria continues to strain relations between the NATO partners. Ankara accuses the YPG of being linked to the PKK, which is fighting an insurgency in Turkey.

The Syrian civil war had brought Turkish-Russian relations to the breaking point with the two strongly backing opposing forces in the conflict. In November 2015, a Turkish jet downed a Russian bomber operating from a Syrian airbase, but, rapprochement efforts initiated by Ankara have seen relations improve markedly.

The looming defeat of the Syrian rebels and gains by the Syrian Kurdish forces are giving added impetus to a rethink in Ankara’s regional foreign policy.

“When it comes to Iraq and Syria and when it comes to the Kurdish issue, Ankara is more and more under pressure, as it feels it’s on the losing side,” observes former senior Turkish diplomat Aydin Selcen, who served widely in the region. “Now Ankara is trying a second approach with Moscow and Tehran and to try to achieve at least some of its priorities, especially getting rid of the perceived Kurdish threat in Syria and Iraq.”

General Gerasimov’s planned Turkey visit will come just one week after his Iranian counterpart, General Mohammad Hossein Bagheri, visited Ankara for three days of talks. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who hosted Bagheri, on Monday said common ground had been found with Iran in battling the PKK. “Joint action against terrorist groups that have become a threat is always on the agenda. This issue has been discussed between the two military chiefs, and I discussed more broadly how this should be carried out,” Erdogan said before visiting Jordan.

Ankara, Moscow and Tehran are already cooperating over Syria in what has been dubbed the Astana process. The Astana process has presided over the creation of de-escalation zones across Syria. Idlib, one of the last remaining areas under Syrian rebel control, is expected to be discussed during Gerasimov’s visit. Local Turkish media report that while the Iranian chief of staff was in Turkey, both sides “shook hands” on resolving Idlib.

Ankara is expected to press the Russian general for cooperation in a military operation, against the YPG, based in the Syrian enclave of Afrin, which borders Turkey. Russian forces are currently deployed in Afrin, a presence that is widely seen as preventing any Turkish operation.

Some analysts warn that Ankara could face disappointment. “As we know, Iran, Russia and Turkey cooperate in Syria, but their strategies as well as their ambitions are different,” cautions Zaur Gasimov, an Istanbul-based Russian-Turkish analyst for the Max Weber Foundation.

“The PYD [political wing of the YPG] and PKK have offices in Moscow; second, the PKK is not on the terror organizations’ list of Russia and when Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov was asked about this, he said each country has it own parameters when defining terrorist organizations,” points out former Turkish diplomat Selcen, who is now a regional analyst.

Selcen also warns Moscow’s goal of wiping out all foreign fighters in Idlib runs counter to Ankara’s policy, but, Ankara’s main agenda, in its courting of Moscow, could be an attempt to extract concessions from Washington. “Ankara is trying to play the Russian card against Washington,” observes political scientist Cengiz Aktar, “and Moscow is very happy to alienate Turkey from its Western allies, indirectly hitting not only the United States, but the NATO alliance in general.”  

U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis is due later this week in Turkey.

Adding to the discomfort of the United States and Turkey’s other Western partners is Ankara’s plan to purchase Russia’s S400 surface-to-air missile. The multi-billion-dollar sale is also expected to be on General Gerasimov’s agenda.
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Germany’s anti-immigrant AfD party pushed Monday to make the massive influx of migrants into the country an election issue as it battles with flagging support, despite waning concern among Germans over the matter.

More than 1 million migrants entered Germany in 2015-2016. Alternative for Germany leaders Alexander Gauland and Alice Weidel told reporters in Berlin they think the wave of newcomers has led to increased crime, an overwhelmed educational system and an “Islamization of society.”

“The big number of migrants cannot be integrated in the long run,” Weidel said, calling for tougher asylum laws. She also advocated shutting down the Mediterranean Sea route from Libya to Europe that many migrants use and accused the Germany navy of participating in human trafficking by assisting migrant boats in distress.

The AfD’s support has dropped ahead of the Sept. 24 election to 7 percent in the most recent polls, half of what the party had at the height of the immigration crisis.

Support for Chancellor Angela Merkel’s conservative bloc dropped during the influx and its aftermath, but has rebounded to about 39 percent. Merkel’s campaign speeches have focused more on the country’s growing economy and record low unemployment.

Like Merkel’s Christian Democrats, most other parties have not made migration a major issue of their election campaigns.

Germany, like several other European countries, has suffered a number of extremist attacks, some of which were committed by asylum-seekers who came to the country in the 2015 wave.

In an interview published Monday by Bild newspaper, Merkel was asked to comment on migrants in Germany who have committed crimes or violent attacks.

“Unfortunately, there are a few refugees, who have done such things,” Merkel answered, adding: “There are also many, many others who need protection.”

The chancellor said the government is doing all it can to prevent “such attacks, such murders, to prevent Islamist terror.” She also said Germany has learned from past attacks and “we’ve become quite a bit better.”
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The British Parliament’s Big Ben bell is due to sound the hour for the last time before it is silenced for repair work scheduled to last until 2021.

After 12 deep bongs at noon Monday, the bell will begin its longest period of silence since it first sounded in 1859.

The break will allow workers to carry out much-needed maintenance to the Victorian clock and clock tower, but will deprive Londoners and tourists of one of the city’s iconic sounds.

Some lawmakers have criticised the lengthy silence, calling Big Ben an important symbol of British democracy. They want the time scale for repairs tightened.

Big Ben is not due to resume regular timekeeping until 2021, though it will be heard on special occasions such as New Year’s Eve.
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Brexit minister David Davis called on the European Union on Sunday to relax its position that the two sides must first make progress on a divorce settlement before moving on to discussing future relations.

After a slow start to negotiations to unravel more than 40 years of union, Britain is pressing for talks to move beyond the divorce to offer companies some assurance of what to expect after Britain leaves the EU in March 2019.

This week, the government will issue five new papers to outline proposals for future ties, including how to resolve any future disputes without “the direct jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ)”, Davis said.

“I firmly believe the early round of the negotiations have already demonstrated that many questions around our withdrawal are inextricably linked to our future relationship,” Davis wrote in the Sunday Times newspaper.

“Both sides need to move swiftly on to discussing our future partnership, and we want that to happen after the European Council in October,” he wrote, saying the clock was ticking.

EU officials have said there must be “sufficient progress” in the first stage of talks on the rights of expatriates, Britain’s border with EU member Ireland and a financial settlement before they can consider a future relationship.

That has frustrated British officials, who say that until there has been discussion of future ties, including a new customs arrangement and some way of resolving any future

disputes, they cannot solve the Irish border issue or financial settlement, two of the more difficult issues in the talks.

“There are financial obligations on both sides that will not be made void by our exit from the EU,” Davis wrote. “We are working to determine what these are – and interrogating the basis for the EU’s position, line by line, as taxpayers would expect us to do.”

He said the Brexit ministry would “advance our thinking further” with the new papers next week.

On the role of the ECJ, Davis said Britain’s proposals would be based on “precedents” which do not involve the “direct jurisdiction” of the court, which is hated by many pro-Brexit ministers in the governing Conservative Party.

EU officials say the court should guarantee the rights of EU citizens living or working in Britain after Brexit.

“Ultimately, the key question here is how we fairly consider and solve disputes for both sides,” Davis wrote.

 
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The Turkish judge sits in a busy cafe in a big German city. Thirteen months ago, he was a respected public servant in his homeland. Now he is heartbroken and angry over the nightmarish turn of events that brought him here.

The day after a 2016 coup attempt shook Turkey, he was blacklisted along with thousands of other judges and prosecutors. The judge smiles, sadly, as he recounts hiding at a friend’s home, hugging his crying son goodbye and paying smugglers to get him to safety.

“I’m very sad I had to leave my country,” he said, asking for his name and location to be withheld out of fear that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government might track him down. “But at least I’m safe and out of Erdogan’s reach. He cannot hurt me anymore.”

Germany has become the top destination for political refugees from Turkey since the failed July 15, 2016 coup. Some 5,742 Turkish citizens applied for asylum here last year, more than three times as many as the year before, according to the Interior Ministry. Another 3,000 Turks have requested protection in Germany this year.

The figures include people fleeing a long-simmering conflict in the Kurdish region of southeastern Turkey, but the vast majority belong to a new class of political refugees: diplomats, civil servants, military members, academics, artists, journalists and anti-Erdogan activists accused of supporting the coup.

With many of them university-educated and part of the former elite, “their escape has already turned into a brain-drain for Turkey,” said Caner Aver, a researcher at the Center for Turkish Studies and Integration Research in Essen.

Germany is a popular destination because it’s already home to about 3.5 million people with Turkish roots and has been more welcoming of the new diaspora than other Western nations, Aver said.

“Some of the highly qualified people also try getting to the U.S. and Canada because most speak English, not German. But it’s just much harder to get there,” Aver said. “Britain has always been popular, but less so now because of Brexit.”

Comparable figures for post-coup asylum requests from Turks were not available for other countries.

More than 50,000 people have been arrested in Turkey and 110,000 dismissed from their jobs for alleged links to political organizations the government has categorized as terror groups or to U.S.-based cleric Fethullah Gulen. Ankara blames the Muslim cleric, a former Erdogan ally, for the coup attempt. Gulen denies the claim.

The true number of recent Turkish arrivals to Germany exceeds official asylum requests. Many fleeing academics, artists and journalists came on scholarships from German universities or political foundations. Some got in via relatives. Others entered with visas obtained before the failed coup.

The judge, a slim man in his 30s with glasses, arrived illegally by paying thousands of euros to cross from Turkey to Greece on a rubber dinghy and then continuing on to Germany.

Two other Turks in Germany — an artist who asked for anonymity, fearing repercussions for her family back home, and a journalist sentenced to prison in absentia — also spoke of ostracism and flight.

Ismail Eskin, the journalist, left Turkey just before he was sentenced to 3 1/2 years in prison on terrorism-related charges. The 29-year-old worked for the Ozgur Gundem newspaper and the Kurdish news agency Dicle Haber Ajansi until the government shut them down shortly after the failed coup.

Eskin tried to write for different online news sites but the Turkish government blocked them too. He reluctantly decided to leave when the situation became unbearably difficult for journalists — about 160 are now in jail.

“I kept changing places to avoid being arrested, and I hid that I was a journalist,” Eskin said, chain-smoking at a Kurdish immigrants’ center. He hasn’t applied for asylum but is studying German — an acknowledgment he might be here to stay.

The judge said he “never supported any kind of coup” and had no connection to the Gulen movement but took hurriedly packed a few belongings and went to a friend’s place after learning he was among more than 2,000 judges and prosecutors being investigated.

A few hours later, police searched his apartment and took his computer.

His wife and children had been out of town during the coup attempt. While he was in hiding, his wife was told she had 15 days to move out. Friends and relatives stopped talking to her. After several months, he chose to leave.

“Since there’s no independent justice in Turkey anymore, I would have been exposed to injustice, maybe be tortured, if I had surrendered,” he said.

He sold his car and paid 8,500 euros ($9,910) to a smuggler for a December boat trip to a Greek island. From there, he flew to Italy and on to Germany. He brought his wife, son and daughter to join him a few weeks later.

The number of Turkish citizens fleeing to Germany has complicated the already tense relations between Ankara and Berlin. Accusing Germany of harboring terrorists, Turkey has demanded the extradition of escaped Turkish military officers and diplomats.

At least 221 diplomats, 280 civil servants and their families have applied for asylum, Germany says. Along with refusing to comply with the extradition requests, Germany has lowered the bar for Turkish asylum-seekers — those given permission to remain increased from 8 percent of applicants last year to more than 23 percent in the first half of 2017.

Some Turkish emigres have started building new lives in exile.

The artist from Istanbul lost her university job in graphic design before the 2016 coup because she was one of more than 1,000 academics who triggered Erdogan’s ire by signing a “declaration for peace” in Turkey.

She went to Berlin on a university scholarship in September, not long after the attempted coup. In February, she discovered she’d been named a terror group supporter and her Turkish passport was invalidated.

“Now I’m forced into exile, but that’s better than to be inside the country,” the woman in her early 30s said.

The artist said she’s doing fine in Berlin. She enrolled at a university and has had her work exhibited at a small gallery. Yet with her family still in Turkey, some days the enormity of the change weighs on her.

“In the winter I was so homesick,” she said. “I really felt like a foreigner, in my veins and in my bones.”

 
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Spain’s hunt for the driver of a van that barreled through a Barcelona crowd last week focused on the northeastern towns of Ripoll and Manlleu Sunday. 

Police set up numerous roadblocks hoping to snare Younes Abouyaaquoub, a 22-year-old Moroccan man they suspect was behind Thursday’s attack, which killed 13 people and injured more than 100 others. 

A related attack hours later in the resort town of Cambrils killed another and injured six others when a car was driven into a crowd before police shot and killed the five suspects after they left the vehicle.

In addition to Abouyaaqoub, two other suspects are being sought, including an imam named Abdelbaki Es Satty. Authorities believe Es Satty may have radicalized some of those who carried out the attacks. 

Police already have four people in custody they believe are connected to the attacks.

Investigators are trying to determine if some of the suspects sought were killed Wednesday night in an explosion that leveled a home in Alcanar.  Human remains were found in the rubble left by the blast, which police believe may have been caused by mishandling butane canisters that were intended to be used in an attack.  DNA testing is underway to determine how many people died in the explosion.

The Associated Press reports that neighbors said the vehicles used in the Cambrils and Barcelona attacks were seen at the Alcanar home prior to the blast.

On Sunday Spain’s King Felipe VI and Queen Letizia, along with Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, attended a mass for the victims of the attacks at Barcelona’s Sagrada Familia Basilica.

During the service, the archbishop of Barcelona read a telegram of sent by Pope Francis, who called the attacks a “cruel terrorist act” and a “grave offense to God.”

The king and queen visited victims in hospitals on Saturday and placed a wreath and candles at the site of the Barcelona attack.
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A year ago, analysts were expressing confidence during a major conference in London that southern Europe would avoid the kind of large-scale Islamic terror attacks seen in northern European cities like Paris and Brussels.

At a conference at King’s College, London, to explore the jihadist threat to Europe, analysts drawn from across the continent highlighted the fact that neither Spain — nor Italy, for that matter, which has also been on the receiving end of vocal Islamic State threats — had seen many volunteers join IS to fight in Syria or Iraq.

They noted neither southern European country has large populations of second-generation Muslim migrants, the most common recruitment pool for IS and rival al-Qaida. And they expressed confidence in the Spanish intelligence services skills, emphasizing the counterterror expertise honed during years of combating violent Basque separatists.

The midweek attack in Barcelona, the worst act of jihadist terrorism in Spain since 2004, when bombers struck commuter trains in Madrid, killing 192 people, is being seen as a wake-up call for the intelligence services — not only of Spain but also of Italy, the one major European country that has so far not suffered a jihadist act of terror.

Recent terror attacks

Counterterror officials in Madrid and Rome say they are perturbed by the increasing number of recent terror attacks across Europe that feature links to North African jihadists. They say they worry about the sophistication of Thursday’s attack — even though the plotters failed to pull off a much larger planned onslaught.

Fourteen people were killed in the midweek terror attacks in Spain — 13 in Barcelona and one in the resort town of Cambrils, where a car was driven into a crowd of pedestrians before police shot and killed the five suspects after they left the vehicle.

So far, four men have been arrested as countrywide, anti-terror operations remain underway and police hunt for the driver of the van that rammed pedestrians on Barcelona’s historic avenue, Las Ramblas.

Olivier Guitta, managing director of GlobalStrat, a security and geopolitical risk consultancy, said the attack in Spain was different from recent truck attacks in Nice, France, and Berlin, arguing it was “a much more sophisticated plot involving many more people, which is extremely serious and extremely concerning.”

Investigations into the backgrounds of the assailants — all but one are of Moroccan descent — are focusing initially on whether any of those involved were fighters who had returned to Europe from Syria, say Spanish counterterror officials, who asked not to be identified by name.

But beyond that, they and their counterparts elsewhere in Europe see an emerging trend of North African links behind the recent spate of terror attacks.

Manchester bombing

The suicide bombing earlier this year at a Manchester concert was mounted by British-born Salman Abedi, whose parents are Libyan. He traveled frequently to Tripoli to visit relatives and may have had terrorist training there.

Two of the three London Bridge attackers in June were also from North Africa. Rachid Redouane claimed variously to be Libyan or Moroccan, and Youssef Zaghba was born in Morocco.

It was a Tunisian, whose asylum application had been declined, who drove a truck into a crowded Christmas market in Berlin in December, an act of terrorism that left 12 dead.

Spanish detectives are also following links with North African-origin jihadists in Belgium.

Last April, Spanish counterterror police mounted 12 house searches and arrested four suspects in connection with the jihadist attacks at the airport in Brussels and on a metro station, which left 32 dead in March 2016. Some of the suspects arrived in Belgium six days before those attacks and left shortly afterward.

El Pais newspaper reported that during their stay, they had several telephone conversations with people involved in the attacks. All of them were of Moroccan origin.

“The Belgian judge who is investigating the attack on the Brussels airport found links between those responsible for the attack and Moroccans residing in Catalonia,” according to a Spanish official.

Catalan police chief Josep Lluís Trapero said shortly after the arrests that the suspects who were detained all had criminal records, including links to drug and arms trafficking. A Spanish official told VOA several of the Barcelona suspects also have criminal histories.

On Saturday, Italian authorities announced they had deported three people — two Moroccans and a Syrian — suspected of extremist sympathies, raising to 202 the number of suspected jihadists expelled from Italy since January 2015. One of the deportees, a 38-year-old Moroccan, was radicalized while in jail for minor crimes, Italian officials said.

The other Moroccan, a 31-year-old man, expressed his support for IS openly. He had been receiving compulsory treatment for a mental disorder after being arrested for theft.
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Recruiting for Jihad is a Norwegian expose on the practices extremist Jihadists follow to recruit young men to fight for ISIS. During filming, Adel Khan Farooq, one of the two filmmakers, had unprecedented access to a radicalized network of Islamists in Europe. He met them through Norwegian-born Ubaydullah Hussain, a notorious recruiter, currently serving a nine-year sentence in a Norwegian prison.

“In the beginning, he was very charming,” Farooq told VOA, describing Hussain. “He was easy to talk with, and I never felt like he was a threat directly against me or anybody else for that matter, but when the attacks against Charlie Hebdo in France occurred and he was praising ISIS and then praising the attacks on Copenhagen, I certainly felt like that I did not know him after all.”

Still, Farooq kept filming Hussain.

“I wanted to find out why he became that way, why did he become so extreme, because there are some pieces of him that he used to be a referee in soccer and he was a bright child and did OK in school,” he says. Farooq accompanied Hussain to underground meetings and workshops among radicalized Islamists in a number of places in Europe, trying to learn what was behind the radicalization of people like him.

Farooq learned that most of the radicals are born in Europe but are culturally and psychologically displaced and vulnerable to the idea of close-knit radicalized communities.

“At least in Norway, 99 percent of Muslims, the majority of Muslims, are integrated in society. They work as lawyers, doctors, teachers, police officers, and have a Muslim background. But there are some, the minority, that have these extreme views. It’s not only in Norway, it’s in Sweden, Denmark, UK, France, Belgium, you always find a small minority of people who don’t fit in even as Muslims, they don’t fit in, they are marginalized, might struggle or have some struggles at home, hard time finding work.”

These types of people, Farooq says, are radicalized by leading Islamists such as Anjem Choudary, a British citizen, who supports the existence of an Islamic state.

Before his six-year incarceration for supporting Islamic State, Choudary was holding workshops throughout Europe advocating jihad. During one of those underground meetings, Farooq captured chilling footage of him preaching to a group of men, women and children in a basement room. His lecture, advocating that Islamic values are superior to British values and the British constitution, was also being recorded and distributed to thousands over the internet.

In 2015, Islamic extremists waged a series of attacks in Paris, first against the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo, and months later, at a concert hall and football stadium, killing 130 and injuring 368. Afterward, Farooq says Hussain told him on camera that he did not know the attackers in Paris, but he knew people who knew them.

“These extremist groups,” Farooq said, “are really small, but they are strong because they work together. They either visit each other, have so called sessions, where they have seminars of sort.”

Though their ideas don’t represent the majority of Muslims in Europe, Farooq said, they impact the Muslim communities by fueling hatred against them.

“This radicalization is not a Muslim thing,” he says. “You find radicalization in America, too. Right wing extremists, they are radicalized; criminals, they are radicalized.”

One of Farooq’s last filming sessions of Hussain showed the Islamist recruiting a young Norwegian to fight for ISIS in Syria. The 18-year-old recruit was apprehended at the airport just before he boarded a plane with a fake passport. Hussain was arrested, and Norwegian police forces confiscated footage from Farooq and his co-director, Ulrik Rolfsen as evidence. The filmmakers’ fight for freedom of the press became a story in itself. Farooq and Rolfsen took their case all the way to Norway’s Supreme Court. They won.

“The key issue is that for any democracy, it is very, very vital that journalists and media are separated from authorities,” Rolfsen stressed. “My power is to tell stories and expose things that happen in society to educate the public, and I think it’s important that we don’t step on each other’s toes.”

When asked whether such a documentary can fuel fear and mistrust against Muslims, Rolfsen said that audiences’ reactions overall were positive, but he admitted it is a tough subject to tackle.

“We have a lot of people hating Islam, we have a lot of people pro Islam, the whole refugee situation is in the middle of that. Publishing the film felt like walking through a fire with a big balloon filled with gasoline and you know it’s going to blow up in your face if you don’t hold it high enough and you don’t walk fast enough.”

Farooq, raised as a Muslim, feels the film was close to his heart because he wanted to expose how these cells operate on the fringes of society.

“That was very important to me and Ulrik. Because most Muslims are not like these guys,” he said. “They are normal people.”

 
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